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[[Image:Red_hand_of_Ulster.gif|thumb|The 'Red hand of Ulster' - a popular Unionist slogan]]
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'''Ulster Unionism''' is the belief that [[Northern Ireland]] should remain in the [[Britain|United Kingdom]] and as an ideology first found prominence as far back as the [[Ulster Plantation]] in the early seventeenth century, when Scottish and some English [[colonist]]s travelled to the counties of [[Ulster]] to establish communities, towns and farms. They mainly settled in [[County Tyrone|Tyrone]], [[County Donegal|Donegal]], [[County Armagh|Armagh]], [[County Fermanagh|Fermanagh]], [[County Londonderry|Londonderry]] and [[County Cavan|Cavan]]. Unlike  previous waves of invaders had done, the new colonists did not integrate into the indigenous culture and they left a legacy of loyalty to the crown in an otherwise rebellious island. The southern Unionist movement dominated by Sir [[Edward Carson]] lost steam with the formation of the [[Irish Free State]] in 1922.
[[Image:Red_hand_of_Ulster.gif|thumb|The Flag of Northern Ireland]]


==Origins==
'''Ulster Unionism''', or '''Irish Unionism''' is the belief that [[Northern Ireland]] (and, prior to 1921, the whole of [[Kingdom of Ireland|Ireland]]) should remain a part of [[United Kingdom]]. Its roots as a political ideology go as far back as the [[Glorious Revolution]] in the late seventeenth century. Irish [[Presbyterianism|Presbyterians]], and other [[Dissenters]] had helped found the [[United Irishmen]] in the late 18th century, and support for the [[1798 Rebellion]] in [[Ulster]]. In the ensuing years however, mostly as a result of the European Religious wars which culminated in warfare between Roman Catholics and Protestants in Ireland during the [[Williamite War]], Protestants grew steadfastly opposed to any notion of independence for the island of Ireland. The southern Unionist movement, dominated by Sir [[Edward Carson]] (1854-1935), lost momentum with the formation of the [[Irish Free State]] in 1922.
Ulster Unionism as a political force has its origins rooted in opposition to the [[Home Rule|Home Rule Movement]], which [[Charles Stewart Parnell]] had organised throughout the country with his [[Home Rule Party]], and which had swept through [[Ireland (island)|Ireland]] and even took a seat in Liverpool in the 1885 elections. The concerted aims of the Home Rule Party was a form of national self determination. The Home Rule movement wished to have an independant parliament capable of legislating for Irish interests, and although they had won the balance of power several times in the [[Liberal Democrats Party|Liberal Party's]] British [[House of Commons]], with whom they had an on and off alliance with, their Home Rule Bill never progressed further than the [[Conservative Party|Conservative]] dominated [[House of Lords]].


Unionists throughout the country detested the thought of Irish Home Rule, considering it to be [[Rome Rule]], as in, rule by the Roman Catholic [[Image:The_Covenant.jpg|thumb|left|Leading Unionists, circa 1912]]majority.  Another concern was of potential economic costs. This all culminated in a series of rallies in Ulster. 237,368 men, and 234,046 women signed the [[Ulster Covenant]] on 28 September, 1912, in opposition to Home Rule, which made the region much more volatile and eventually led to the formation of the [[Ulster Volunteer Force]] in 1913. [[Eoin Mc Neill]] and many other leading Nationalists then founded the [[Irish Volunteers]] in November 1913 in retaliation. Both sides smuggled arms into the country, but the Ulster Volunteer force was able to exploit an old statute which allowed citizens to drill and train with weapons so long as it was in the expressed defence of the monarchy. The Irish Volunteers, on the other hand, had no such luxury and any weapons they imported, such as in the [[Howth gun running]] incident, were strictly illegal. The Civil War that many predicted didn't happen, however, largely because of the advent of [[World War I]] in 1914, which caused hundreds of thousands of Unionists and Nationalists to go and fight for Britain. This also stalled [[John Redmond]]'s third Home Rule Bill from progressing into law until the end of the war.
[[Image:Ir-religion.jpg|thumb|400px]]
==History==
Ulster Unionism as a political force has its origins rooted in opposition to the [[Home Rule|Home Rule Movement]], which [[Charles Stewart Parnell]] had organised in the late 19th century throughout the country, with his [[Home Rule Party]]. It had swept through [[Ireland (island)|Ireland]] and even took a seat in Liverpool in the 1885 elections. The concerted aim of the Home Rule Party was a form of national self determination. The Home Rule movement wished to have an independent parliament, capable of legislating for Irish interests, and they had won the balance of power several times when the Liberal Party controlled the British [[House of Commons]]. The Home Rule Party had an on and off alliance with the Liberals, but the Liberals did not control the [[House of Lords]], which rejected Home Rule. When [[William Gladstone]]'s first Home Rule Bill was passed by the Commons in 1886, Home Rule leaders like Parnell said Protestants would be welcome in a united Ireland. Unionists throughout Ireland detested the thought of Irish Home Rule, considering it to be "Rome Rule," that is, rule by the Roman Catholic [[Image:The_Covenant.jpg|thumb|left|Leading Unionists, circa 1912]] church. Another fear was of potential economic drag that would have hindered the industrialisation of Ulster.


The [[Easter Rising]] of 1916, however, ensured that Home Rule would not be enough for the now [[radicalised]] Irish population, as many Irish nationalists now regarded complete independance as being the only viable result of any dealing with Britain. At the height of the [[Irish War of Independence]] the British parliament passed the [[Government of Ireland Act, 1920]] which officially partitioned the island into [[Southern Ireland]] (Éire) and Northern Ireland. The war continued on nonetheless, and the rebels largely ignored the Act as being irrelevant to their war effort. The ensuing years saw the beginning of the [[Irish Troubles]] a conflict that had its roots in the pre-[[World War II]] era but is considered to have lasted from 1969-1998.
Colonel [[Edward Saunderson]] was the chief Unionist leader in Ireland, and he did not at this time raise the partition issue. By 1893, when Gladstone's second Home Rule Bill passed in the Commons, the Unionists were starting to become well organised, with overtones of paramilitary formations, but still little talk of partition. With the Conservative party in power in London, 1895-1905, there was no threat of Home Rule.
 
The return of the Liberal Party in 1905 reopened the issue, and the Ulster Unionist Council was formed. After two close elections in 1910, the Liberals were forced to rely on the Irish Home Rule MP's and [[Asquith]] introduced the third Home Rule Bill in 1912. The proposal included an Irish parliament with no control over foreign or defense policy, or its own income. Unionists became alarmed when the Liberals broke the veto of the House of Lords, and the stage was set for passage in 1914. The new Unionist leader, Sir [[Edward Carson]], collaborating with Conservative leader [[Andrew Bonar Law]], now mounted a last-ditch effort. Talk of violence was widespread; the unionists were willing to fight to stay part of the United Kingdom. In the ''[[Ulster Covenant]]'', 237,368 men, and 234,046 women pledged opposition to Home Rule and vowed to take all steps necessary to stop the "conspiracy" to force them out of the UK and put them at the mercy of their hereditary enemies.
 
In 1913-14 the [[Ulster Volunteer Force]] mobilized 100,000 men in paramilitary formations (that is they kept their civilian jobs and trained on weekends), supplied by 25,000 rifles smuggled in from Germany. The relied on an old statute which allowed subjects to drill and train with weapons so long as it was in the expressed defence of the monarchy. [[Eoin Mc Neill]] and other Nationalists then founded the [[Irish Volunteers]] in November 1913, with far fewer men and weapons.<ref> The Irish Volunteers, by contrast, were ''not'' allowed to drill legally and any weapons they imported, such as in the [[Howth gun running]] incident, were strictly illegal.</ref> [[John Redmond]], the leader of the Home Rule party, had his people infiltrate and take over the Volunteers (which soon became the [[Irish Republican Army]], or IRA). Redmond clung to the belief that parliamentary weapons would be used, and that his side had won. Armed rebellion by the Protestants was a stunning new development. Redmond rejected as "blasphemy" any proposals for partition, as suggested by some Liberals. When the British army gave signals that it would not operate against the Ulster rebels, a major crisis was at hand in London.
 
Asquith, however, seized on partition as the only solution. Suddenly [[World War I]] broke out, and it was agreed that Home Rule legislation would be approved but put in suspension until the war ended (people thought the war would be short - less than a year). Protestants, especially in Ulster, flocked to support the war effort, and gained much popular support in England for so doing; many Catholics were lukewarm on the war, though others, both north and south, volunteered for service. Redmond accepted the compromise, and rapidly lost support to more radical elements who proposed to use the National Volunteers to fight the British until London gave them all of Ireland. Carson entered the cabinet in 1915, and now Ulster had a powerful position.
 
The harsh British reaction to the [[Easter Rising]] in 1916 radicalised the Catholics; they turned away from Home Rule and depended complete independence in their own republic. The Rising horrified the Unionists and Britain generally, as the issue was now polarised along religious-geographical lines. In the postwar election of 1918, the Home Rule party collapsed, replaced by the militant [[Sinn Féin]] of [[Éamon de Valera]], which won 73 Irish seats (compared to 26 Unionist and 6 Home Rule party seats). The Unionists controlled the government in London and were prepared to give Home Rule to the south only, keeping Ulster in the UK. Carson's position was accepted by the Ulster Unionist Council in June 1916, but rejected by leading southern unionists such as Lord Lansdowne and Lord Middleton. By 1920 Sir [[James Craig]] (1871-1940) replaced Carson as the main Unionist, and he wanted a six-county state, dropping three counties that had Catholic majorities. The result would be a two-thirds Protestant majority in Northern Ireland. Four of the six counties had clear unionist majorities, the other two were borderline. The border was intended to be provisonal only, but the report of the commission set up to recommend adjustment in accordance with local opinion, delivered in 1925, was "buried" by agreement of the two governments and has never been published.
 
The IRA, under [[Michael Collins]] opened a guerrilla war in the south against the British, but had little impact in Ulster, where the Ulster Special Constabulary (comprising Protestant war veterans) had the upper hand. The British parliament passed the [[Government of Ireland Act, 1920]] which officially partitioned the island into [[Southern Ireland]] and Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland in May 1921 elected its own parliament, at [[Stormont]], with Craig as prime minister; Ireland was now partitioned with an operating government in Ulster firmly in place.
 
The [[Irish War of Independence]] continued on in the south, as the the rebels ignored the 1920 Act as being irrelevant to their demands for a republic that owed no allegiance to the crown. With Ulster now safe, British prime minister [[David Lloyd George]] called a truce in the south and opened negotiations with Sinn Féin for an independent southern Ireland. Agreement was reached, with the new [[Irish Free State]] to be nominally a member of the Commonwealth. The treaty was supported by Collins, who thought that Ulster would be economically too weak to survive on its own and would eventually join the south voluntarily; Collins also secretly planned guerrilla war in the north. The Irish Free State then came into being in the south. De Valera rejected the new state and the treaty's terms of independence, and rejected the majority votes in favor of the treaty in the cabinet, the [[Dáil Éireann|Dáil]], and in nationwide elections. Instead he started, and lost, the [[Irish Civil War]] of 1922-23. Catholic diehards, though out of power, dreamed of a united Ireland. Thus the [[Irish Troubles]] had their roots in the 1916-23 era, but are considered to have lasted from 1969-1998.


==Ulster Unionist political theory==
==Ulster Unionist political theory==
Ulster Unionism as an ideology or political theory possesses three pillars - political, economic and religious.
Ulster Unionism as an ideology or political theory possesses three pillars - political, economic and religious.


===Political===
===Political===
One of the key arguments made by Ulster Unionists is that they are citizens of the United Kingdom and that they share a British or [[Ulster-Scot]]s identity. Scotland is within visual distance along much of the Northern Ireland coastline and some of the islands are only a few kilometres away from the Irish mainland. They relate their identity with the United Kingdom and the British monarchy the same way that Irish nationalists and Republicans relate their identity with an independant, soverign republic. They also feared that their rights as a people would be under-represented in a majority Catholic parliament. Unionist objections were further strengthened by support from the Conservative Party. A prominent conservative, Lord [[Randolph Churchill]]. addressed Unionists in Belfast where he urged them to resist the implementation of Home Rule. He referred to this as playing the Orange card <ref>Spellman, Cathy Cash; An Excess of Love</ref> as he too was strongly opposed to Home Rule. He declared at a rally in Belfast, "Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right."<ref>Churchill, Sir Winston; Lord Randolph Churchill - Page 65.</ref> This was the beginning of an alliance between the Conservative and Unionist Party, which lasted into the next century.
[[Image:Battle_of_the_Boyne.gif|thumb|300px|An image of the [[Battle of the Boyne]] - an iconic victory for the Protestant Unionist community in Ireland.]]
One of the key arguments made by Ulster Unionists is that they are citizens of the United Kingdom and that they share a British or [[Ulster-Scot]]s identity. [[Scotland]] is within visual distance along much of the Northern Ireland coastline and some of the islands are only a few kilometres away from the Irish mainland. They relate their identity with the United Kingdom and the British monarchy the same way that Irish nationalists and Republicans relate their identity with an independent, sovereign republic. They also feared that their rights as a people would be under-represented in a majority Catholic parliament. Unionist objections were further strengthened by support from the British Conservative Party. A prominent conservative, Lord [[Randolph Churchill]], called on Unionists in Belfast to resist the implementation of Home Rule. He declared, "Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right!"<ref>Winston Churchill, ''Lord Randolph Churchill'' Page 65.</ref> This was the beginning of an alliance between the Conservative and Unionist parties, which lasted into the next century.
 
Unionism in Northern Ireland was unified in 1905 with the formation of the [[Ulster Unionist Council]], which linked the [[Orange Order]] and other Unionist groups together in one bloc. In 1910 Ulster Unionism came under the leadership of prominent Dublin University MP [[Edward Carson]] who told the Unionists of Northern Ireland to take over the institutions of government in Northern Ireland if Home Rule came to pass in 1911. The increasingly militant attitude of the Unionist leadership was confirmed by the formation of the [[Ulster Volunteer Force]] in 1913. In April 1914, 35,000 rifles and five million rounds of ammunition were smuggled into Larne Harbour and swiftly distributed throughout the province. With the outbreak of the First World War, the Ulster Volunteer Force comprised many of the troops of the 36th Ulster Division and lost many lives, particularly at the [[Battle of the Somme]], which has entered into folklore.


===Economic===
===Economic===
North east Ireland was traditionally the most industrialised area of Ireland. Most of the island escaped the [[industrial revolution]] and employed an [[agrarian economy]] based largely on large landholders (usually British in ethnicity) and poor [[peasant]]s who rented farmland from [[landlord]]s. [[Belfast]] was a major centre of the textile and shipbuilding industries, with [[Harland and Wolff]] employing many thousands in the shipyards. This argument was further reinforced with the advent of the [[Welfare State]] in Britain following [[World War II]], with Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants receiving much superior benefits than their southern conterparts.  
The north-east was traditionally the most industrialised area of Ireland. Most of the island escaped the industrial revolution and employed an agrarian economy based largely on large landholders (usually British in ethnicity) and poor peasants who rented farmland from landlords, although land reform had transformed land ownership from large landlords into that of smaller, usually Catholic farmers. [[Belfast]] was a major centre of the textile and shipbuilding industries, with [[Harland and Wolff]] employing many thousands in the shipyards. This argument was further reinforced with the advent of the [[Welfare State]] in the United Kingdom following World War II, with Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants receiving much superior benefits than their southern counterparts.


The economy of the Republic of Ireland has exploded in the last two decades, however, with the [[Celtic Tiger]] economy, and now is more developed than that of Northern Ireland, and the Unionist economic argument has stagnated.
The economy of the Republic of Ireland has exploded in the last two decades, however, with the [[Celtic Tiger]] economy, and now is more developed than that of Northern Ireland, and the Unionist economic argument has stagnated.


===Religious===
===Religious===
Many Unionists feared a Roman Catholic majority legislating against Protestant interests in a united Republic. They summed this up with the old adage: "Home Rule is [[Rome Rule]]".<ref>Arthur, Paul; Government and Politics of Northern Ireland - Page 7</ref>  Unionists also feared the widespread dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in Irish society and the political power it possessed. As the South gained its independence this did indeed come to pass to a large extent. Legislation approved by or prompted by the Catholic Church was quickly introduced, and included a ban on [[contraception (medical methods)|contraception]] and the outlawing of [[divorce]]. The Roman Catholic Church was recognised as having a "special position" in the 1937 [[Constitution of Ireland]]. An innovative [[social welfare]] scheme, the "[[Mother and Child Scheme]]", was discontinued in the 1950s largely at the behest of the Catholic Church.
Many Unionists feared a Roman Catholic majority legislating against Protestant interests in a Dublin based parliament. They summed this up with the old adage: "Home Rule is [[Rome Rule]]".<ref>Arthur, Paul; Government and Politics of Northern Ireland - Page 7</ref>  Unionists also feared the widespread dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in Irish society and the political power it possessed. As the South gained its independence this did indeed come to pass to a large extent. Legislation approved by or prompted by the Catholic Church was quickly introduced, and included a ban on [[contraception (medical methods)|contraception]] and the outlawing of [[divorce]]. The Roman Catholic Church was recognised as having a "special position" in the 1937 [[Constitution of Ireland]]. An innovative [[social welfare]] scheme, the "[[Mother and Child Scheme]]", was discontinued in the 1950s largely at the behest of the Catholic Church.


However, the Republic of Ireland has gradually become much more secular in recent years, with contraception and divorce now legalised and the practice of [[homosexuality]] being decriminalised. Religion has begun to play a much lesser role in people's lives, as the number of [[nominal Catholic]]s proves.
However, the Republic of Ireland has gradually become much more secular in recent years, with contraception and divorce now legalised and the practice of [[homosexuality]] being decriminalised. Religion has begun to play a much lesser role in people's lives, as the number of nominal Catholics proves.


==Unionist control of Northern Ireland (1921-1972)==
==Unionist control of Northern Ireland (1921-1972)==
Subsequent Unionist parties controlled politics in Northern Ireland following the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. This act formally partitioned the island in the midst of the [[Anglo-Irish War]], causing seperate parliaments to be established in both Belfast and Dublin. The Dublin parliament that was established was ignored by the southern rebels, who continued the conflict nonetheless until the [[Anglo-Irish Treaty]] in 1921. Northern Ireland, on the other hand was more than willing to exercise its newfound political rights and limited [[devolution]] style government.
Subsequent Unionist parties controlled politics in Northern Ireland following the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. This act formally partitioned the island in the midst of the [[Anglo-Irish War]], causing separate parliaments to be established in both Belfast and Dublin. The Dublin parliament that was established was ignored by the southern rebels, who continued the conflict nonetheless until the [[Anglo-Irish Treaty]] in 1921. Northern Ireland, on the other hand was more than willing to exercise its newfound political rights and limited [[devolution]] style government.
 
===The Craigavon era (1921-1940)===
While Edward Carson had led the Unionist movement throughout Ireland, his right hand man, [[James Craig]] was more than able to take his place as leader of the Unionist movement in Northern Ireland, as Carson looked to pursue his legal career in the House of Commons. Craig became the Prime Minister of the entity now known as [[Northern Ireland]] and spearheaded the first Unionist government of that country. His first government was helped by a weak Nationalist opposition - the [[Republicanism#Ireland|Republicans]] and their more moderate [[Nationalism|Nationalist]] colleagues had been divided on how to deal with the new entity, which neither party wanted to be associated with. This division was contrasted starkly with Unionist unity, who won a strong majority in the parliament (winning forty, compared to twelve seats combined for Nationalist and Republican candidates.<ref>Please note, resource contains two links and not a general summary of election results:[http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/borough.html Belfast results] and [http://www.election.demon.co.uk/stormont/counties.html Outside of Belfast results])</ref> The two major Republican and Nationalist parties - Sinn Féin and The [[Northern Irish Nationalist Party]], respectively, were however united on the issue of policing, as both boycotted the [[Royal Ulster Constabulary]].
The two parties were pinning their hopes on the success of the [[Irish Free State#The_Boundary_Commission|Boundary Commission]] in bringing Catholic-dominated lands in Northern Ireland under the control of the [[Irish Free State]], though this aspiration fizzled out during negotiations (which Craig did not appear for).
 
One of the many controversial aspects of Craig's rule was the alledged policy of [[Gerrymander|Gerrymandering]], i.e., re-aligning the borders of constituencies so as to increase one group's political representation at the expense of anothers. In 1929, the Unionists abolished the policy of [[proportional representation]], set up by the [[Government of Ireland Act]]. The new legislation modeled the election procedures on the [[first past the post]] system used in Britain, which tended to give less representation to smaller parties, although the two Republican and Nationalist parties lost only one seat, going down from twelve seats to eleven in 1929, being compensated for a loss of seats in Antrim and Armagh by a one seat gain in Belfast. The new system hit the smaller parties the hardest, with Labour and Independent Unionists losing four seats in the election, despite their share of the popular vote actually increasing.<ref>[http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm Contemporary Irish Studies; Edited by Tom Gallagher and James O'Connell (1983), School of Peace Studies, University of Bradford. Online edition]</ref>
 
The difference was more noted in the area of local government, where boundries were redrawn and changes to voting legislation ensured formerly Nationalist Council areas were to be replaced by Unionist ones. Noted in this was the local voting acts which brought 25% of voters (Mainly nationalists) out of the electorate as it was based on property ownership rather than democratic rights <ref>ibid</ref>. Opposition to discrimination in voting, and other local council measures such as anti-Catholic discrimination in allocating social housing etc. was at the very heart of the [[Civil Rights movement of Northern Ireland|Civil Rights movement]] in the 1960's. Craig confirmed the largely blatent discrimination in voting rights when he said that Northern Ireland was a ''Protestant State for a Protestant people''<ref>Jarman, Neil; Material Conflicts: Parades and Visual Displays in Northern Ireland - 72</ref> and ''I am an Orangeman first and a politican afterwards'' <ref>Ibid</ref>. Nowhere was this more evident than in the massive [[Orange Order]] marches held in Belfast in 1926, where 100,000 people marched and 50,000 people watched on <ref>Ibid</ref>
 
James Craig served as Prime Minister for an unbroken period of nineteen years, making this period popularly known as the 'Craigavon era', as he later became 'Lord Craigavon'.


[[Image:Ulster1921.jpg|thumb|400px|Ulster in 1921]]
see [[Northern Ireland, history]]
==Modern Ulster Unionism==
==Modern Ulster Unionism==
Modern day Ulster Unionism has reached a consensus, favouring dialogue and peace with [[Republicanism#Ireland|Republican]]s. Many of Northern Ireland's most famous Unionists, such as [[Ian Paisley]] have advocated and taken part in negotiations with [[Sinn Féin]]. Following the most recent [[Northern Ireland Assembly]] elections, the [[Democratic Unionist Party]] and Sinn Féin agreed to go into government together, with [[Ian Paisley]] as [[First Minister]] and [[Martin Mc Guinness]] - a former [[Provisional IRA]] bomber - as the [[Deputy First Minister]]. The [[Cabinet of the Northern Assembly|Cabinet]] is a mixed Republican/Unionist one.
Modern day Ulster Unionism has reached a consensus, favouring dialogue and peace with [[Republicanism#Ireland|Republican]]s. Many of Northern Ireland's most famous Unionists, such as [[Ian Paisley]] have advocated and taken part in negotiations with [[Sinn Féin]]. Following the most recent [[Northern Ireland Assembly]] elections, the [[Democratic Unionist Party]] and Sinn Féin agreed to go into government together, with Paisley as First Minister and [[Martin McGuinness]] - a former [[Provisional IRA]] bomber - as the [[Deputy First Minister]]. The Cabinet is a mixed Republican/Unionist one.


In the runup to the 2007 Assembly elections, both parties campaigned on issues such as water charges and business development, issues that could appeal to both sides of the community. [[Sectarianism]] and [[partisan politics]], usually a frequent occurance in a Northern Irish election were minimised and in some cases avoided. Since the IRA had decommissioned its weapons years earlier and Sinn Féin had recognised the [[Police Service of Northern Ireland|PSNI]], the [[Democratic Unionist Party]] reluctantly agreed to consider going into government with Sinn Féin, who won a considerably large minority in the election.  
In the runup to the 2007 Assembly elections, both parties campaigned on issues such as water charges and business development, issues that could appeal to both sides of the community. Sectarianism and partisan politics, usually a frequent occurrence in a Northern Irish election were minimised and in some cases avoided. Since the Provisional IRA had decommissioned its weapons years earlier and Sinn Féin had recognised the [[Police Service of Northern Ireland|PSNI]], the [[Democratic Unionist Party]] reluctantly agreed to consider going into government with Sinn Féin, who won a considerably large minority in the election.  


The early months of the government has seen frequent shows of unity between First Minister Paisley and Deputy First Minister Mc Guiness. Both men have appeared at many sites and places and are trying to rebuild Northern Ireland following generations of sectarian warfare. Parallels to this have been drawn with the South African [[Peace and Reconciliation Tribunal]]s following the end of [[apartheid]].
The early months of the government has seen frequent shows of unity between First Minister Paisley and Deputy First Minister McGuiness. Both men have appeared at many sites and places and are trying to rebuild Northern Ireland following generations of sectarian warfare. Significantly, following the murders of two British soldiers by the [[Real IRA]] and the murder of a PSNI member by the [[Continuity IRA]] in March 2009,<ref>RTE: CCTV examined after Antrim shootings. Available: http://www.rte.ie/news/2009/0309/antrim.html Accessed: 1st April, 2009</ref><ref>Irish Times: PSNI arrests third man over policeman's killing. Available: http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2009/0314/1224242849937.html Accessed: 1st April, 2009</ref> cooperation between Sinn Féin and the DUP was unaffected, especially following Sinn Féin's condemnation of the killings.


==List of Unionist political and social organisations==
==List of Unionist political and social organisations==
Line 53: Line 60:
* [[United Kingdom Unionist Party]]
* [[United Kingdom Unionist Party]]
* [[Orange Order]]
* [[Orange Order]]
* [[Imperial Grand Black Chapter of the British Commonwealth ]]


==References==
==References==


<references/>
{{Reflist}}


==Bibliography==
==Bibliography==
*  Adamson, Ian. ''The Identity of Ulster,'' 2nd edition (Belfast, 1987)
* Arthur, Paul. ''Government and Politics of Northern Ireland''
*  Bardon, Jonathan. ''A History of Ulster'' (Belfast, 1992)
*  Bew, Paul, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, ''Northern Ireland 1921-1994: Political Forces and Social Classes'' (1995)
* Bew, Paul. ''Ideology and the Irish Question: Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism 1912-1916''
*  Brady, Claran, Mary O'Dowd and Brian Walker, eds. ''Ulster: An Illustrated History'' (1989)
* Boyce, D. George. "Carson, Edward Henry, Baron Carson (1854–1935)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'' 2004. online
* Boyce, D. George. "Craig, James, first Viscount Craigavon (1871–1940)", ''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,''2004; online edn,
* Elliott, Marianne. ''The Catholics of Ulster: A History.'' Basic Books. 2001. [http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=86066470# online edition]
*  Farrell, Michael. ''Northern Ireland: The Orange State,'' 2nd edition (London, 1980)
* Henessy, Thomas.  ''A History of Northern Ireland, 1920-1996.'' St. Martin's, 1998. 365 pp. 
* Mitchel, Patrick; Evangelicalism and National Identity in Ulster, 1921-1998
* Hostettler, John; Sir Edward Carson: A Dream Too Far
==External links==
*[http://news.independent.co.uk/people/profiles/article2516665.ece Martin Mc Guinness's 'reformation']
*[http://news.independent.co.uk/people/profiles/article2516665.ece Martin Mc Guinness's 'reformation']
*[http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/ The Northern Ireland Assembly]
*[http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/ The Northern Ireland Assembly]
* Mitchel, Patrick; Evangelicalism and National Identity in Ulster, 1921-1998
* Bew, Paul; Ideology and the Irish Question: Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism 1912-1916
* Hostettler, John; Sir Edward Carson: A Dream Too Far
* Spellman, Cathy Cash; An Excess of Love
* Churchill, Sir Winston; Lord Randolph Churchill
* Arthur, Paul; Government and Politics of Northern Ireland
[[Category: CZ Live]][[Category: History Workgroup]][[Category: Politics Workgroup]][[Category: Religion Workgroup]]

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The Flag of Northern Ireland

Ulster Unionism, or Irish Unionism is the belief that Northern Ireland (and, prior to 1921, the whole of Ireland) should remain a part of United Kingdom. Its roots as a political ideology go as far back as the Glorious Revolution in the late seventeenth century. Irish Presbyterians, and other Dissenters had helped found the United Irishmen in the late 18th century, and support for the 1798 Rebellion in Ulster. In the ensuing years however, mostly as a result of the European Religious wars which culminated in warfare between Roman Catholics and Protestants in Ireland during the Williamite War, Protestants grew steadfastly opposed to any notion of independence for the island of Ireland. The southern Unionist movement, dominated by Sir Edward Carson (1854-1935), lost momentum with the formation of the Irish Free State in 1922.

Ir-religion.jpg

History

Ulster Unionism as a political force has its origins rooted in opposition to the Home Rule Movement, which Charles Stewart Parnell had organised in the late 19th century throughout the country, with his Home Rule Party. It had swept through Ireland and even took a seat in Liverpool in the 1885 elections. The concerted aim of the Home Rule Party was a form of national self determination. The Home Rule movement wished to have an independent parliament, capable of legislating for Irish interests, and they had won the balance of power several times when the Liberal Party controlled the British House of Commons. The Home Rule Party had an on and off alliance with the Liberals, but the Liberals did not control the House of Lords, which rejected Home Rule. When William Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill was passed by the Commons in 1886, Home Rule leaders like Parnell said Protestants would be welcome in a united Ireland. Unionists throughout Ireland detested the thought of Irish Home Rule, considering it to be "Rome Rule," that is, rule by the Roman Catholic

Leading Unionists, circa 1912

church. Another fear was of potential economic drag that would have hindered the industrialisation of Ulster.

Colonel Edward Saunderson was the chief Unionist leader in Ireland, and he did not at this time raise the partition issue. By 1893, when Gladstone's second Home Rule Bill passed in the Commons, the Unionists were starting to become well organised, with overtones of paramilitary formations, but still little talk of partition. With the Conservative party in power in London, 1895-1905, there was no threat of Home Rule.

The return of the Liberal Party in 1905 reopened the issue, and the Ulster Unionist Council was formed. After two close elections in 1910, the Liberals were forced to rely on the Irish Home Rule MP's and Asquith introduced the third Home Rule Bill in 1912. The proposal included an Irish parliament with no control over foreign or defense policy, or its own income. Unionists became alarmed when the Liberals broke the veto of the House of Lords, and the stage was set for passage in 1914. The new Unionist leader, Sir Edward Carson, collaborating with Conservative leader Andrew Bonar Law, now mounted a last-ditch effort. Talk of violence was widespread; the unionists were willing to fight to stay part of the United Kingdom. In the Ulster Covenant, 237,368 men, and 234,046 women pledged opposition to Home Rule and vowed to take all steps necessary to stop the "conspiracy" to force them out of the UK and put them at the mercy of their hereditary enemies.

In 1913-14 the Ulster Volunteer Force mobilized 100,000 men in paramilitary formations (that is they kept their civilian jobs and trained on weekends), supplied by 25,000 rifles smuggled in from Germany. The relied on an old statute which allowed subjects to drill and train with weapons so long as it was in the expressed defence of the monarchy. Eoin Mc Neill and other Nationalists then founded the Irish Volunteers in November 1913, with far fewer men and weapons.[1] John Redmond, the leader of the Home Rule party, had his people infiltrate and take over the Volunteers (which soon became the Irish Republican Army, or IRA). Redmond clung to the belief that parliamentary weapons would be used, and that his side had won. Armed rebellion by the Protestants was a stunning new development. Redmond rejected as "blasphemy" any proposals for partition, as suggested by some Liberals. When the British army gave signals that it would not operate against the Ulster rebels, a major crisis was at hand in London.

Asquith, however, seized on partition as the only solution. Suddenly World War I broke out, and it was agreed that Home Rule legislation would be approved but put in suspension until the war ended (people thought the war would be short - less than a year). Protestants, especially in Ulster, flocked to support the war effort, and gained much popular support in England for so doing; many Catholics were lukewarm on the war, though others, both north and south, volunteered for service. Redmond accepted the compromise, and rapidly lost support to more radical elements who proposed to use the National Volunteers to fight the British until London gave them all of Ireland. Carson entered the cabinet in 1915, and now Ulster had a powerful position.

The harsh British reaction to the Easter Rising in 1916 radicalised the Catholics; they turned away from Home Rule and depended complete independence in their own republic. The Rising horrified the Unionists and Britain generally, as the issue was now polarised along religious-geographical lines. In the postwar election of 1918, the Home Rule party collapsed, replaced by the militant Sinn Féin of Éamon de Valera, which won 73 Irish seats (compared to 26 Unionist and 6 Home Rule party seats). The Unionists controlled the government in London and were prepared to give Home Rule to the south only, keeping Ulster in the UK. Carson's position was accepted by the Ulster Unionist Council in June 1916, but rejected by leading southern unionists such as Lord Lansdowne and Lord Middleton. By 1920 Sir James Craig (1871-1940) replaced Carson as the main Unionist, and he wanted a six-county state, dropping three counties that had Catholic majorities. The result would be a two-thirds Protestant majority in Northern Ireland. Four of the six counties had clear unionist majorities, the other two were borderline. The border was intended to be provisonal only, but the report of the commission set up to recommend adjustment in accordance with local opinion, delivered in 1925, was "buried" by agreement of the two governments and has never been published.

The IRA, under Michael Collins opened a guerrilla war in the south against the British, but had little impact in Ulster, where the Ulster Special Constabulary (comprising Protestant war veterans) had the upper hand. The British parliament passed the Government of Ireland Act, 1920 which officially partitioned the island into Southern Ireland and Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland in May 1921 elected its own parliament, at Stormont, with Craig as prime minister; Ireland was now partitioned with an operating government in Ulster firmly in place.

The Irish War of Independence continued on in the south, as the the rebels ignored the 1920 Act as being irrelevant to their demands for a republic that owed no allegiance to the crown. With Ulster now safe, British prime minister David Lloyd George called a truce in the south and opened negotiations with Sinn Féin for an independent southern Ireland. Agreement was reached, with the new Irish Free State to be nominally a member of the Commonwealth. The treaty was supported by Collins, who thought that Ulster would be economically too weak to survive on its own and would eventually join the south voluntarily; Collins also secretly planned guerrilla war in the north. The Irish Free State then came into being in the south. De Valera rejected the new state and the treaty's terms of independence, and rejected the majority votes in favor of the treaty in the cabinet, the Dáil, and in nationwide elections. Instead he started, and lost, the Irish Civil War of 1922-23. Catholic diehards, though out of power, dreamed of a united Ireland. Thus the Irish Troubles had their roots in the 1916-23 era, but are considered to have lasted from 1969-1998.

Ulster Unionist political theory

Ulster Unionism as an ideology or political theory possesses three pillars - political, economic and religious.

Political

An image of the Battle of the Boyne - an iconic victory for the Protestant Unionist community in Ireland.

One of the key arguments made by Ulster Unionists is that they are citizens of the United Kingdom and that they share a British or Ulster-Scots identity. Scotland is within visual distance along much of the Northern Ireland coastline and some of the islands are only a few kilometres away from the Irish mainland. They relate their identity with the United Kingdom and the British monarchy the same way that Irish nationalists and Republicans relate their identity with an independent, sovereign republic. They also feared that their rights as a people would be under-represented in a majority Catholic parliament. Unionist objections were further strengthened by support from the British Conservative Party. A prominent conservative, Lord Randolph Churchill, called on Unionists in Belfast to resist the implementation of Home Rule. He declared, "Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right!"[2] This was the beginning of an alliance between the Conservative and Unionist parties, which lasted into the next century.

Unionism in Northern Ireland was unified in 1905 with the formation of the Ulster Unionist Council, which linked the Orange Order and other Unionist groups together in one bloc. In 1910 Ulster Unionism came under the leadership of prominent Dublin University MP Edward Carson who told the Unionists of Northern Ireland to take over the institutions of government in Northern Ireland if Home Rule came to pass in 1911. The increasingly militant attitude of the Unionist leadership was confirmed by the formation of the Ulster Volunteer Force in 1913. In April 1914, 35,000 rifles and five million rounds of ammunition were smuggled into Larne Harbour and swiftly distributed throughout the province. With the outbreak of the First World War, the Ulster Volunteer Force comprised many of the troops of the 36th Ulster Division and lost many lives, particularly at the Battle of the Somme, which has entered into folklore.

Economic

The north-east was traditionally the most industrialised area of Ireland. Most of the island escaped the industrial revolution and employed an agrarian economy based largely on large landholders (usually British in ethnicity) and poor peasants who rented farmland from landlords, although land reform had transformed land ownership from large landlords into that of smaller, usually Catholic farmers. Belfast was a major centre of the textile and shipbuilding industries, with Harland and Wolff employing many thousands in the shipyards. This argument was further reinforced with the advent of the Welfare State in the United Kingdom following World War II, with Northern Irish Catholics and Protestants receiving much superior benefits than their southern counterparts.

The economy of the Republic of Ireland has exploded in the last two decades, however, with the Celtic Tiger economy, and now is more developed than that of Northern Ireland, and the Unionist economic argument has stagnated.

Religious

Many Unionists feared a Roman Catholic majority legislating against Protestant interests in a Dublin based parliament. They summed this up with the old adage: "Home Rule is Rome Rule".[3] Unionists also feared the widespread dominance of the Roman Catholic Church in Irish society and the political power it possessed. As the South gained its independence this did indeed come to pass to a large extent. Legislation approved by or prompted by the Catholic Church was quickly introduced, and included a ban on contraception and the outlawing of divorce. The Roman Catholic Church was recognised as having a "special position" in the 1937 Constitution of Ireland. An innovative social welfare scheme, the "Mother and Child Scheme", was discontinued in the 1950s largely at the behest of the Catholic Church.

However, the Republic of Ireland has gradually become much more secular in recent years, with contraception and divorce now legalised and the practice of homosexuality being decriminalised. Religion has begun to play a much lesser role in people's lives, as the number of nominal Catholics proves.

Unionist control of Northern Ireland (1921-1972)

Subsequent Unionist parties controlled politics in Northern Ireland following the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. This act formally partitioned the island in the midst of the Anglo-Irish War, causing separate parliaments to be established in both Belfast and Dublin. The Dublin parliament that was established was ignored by the southern rebels, who continued the conflict nonetheless until the Anglo-Irish Treaty in 1921. Northern Ireland, on the other hand was more than willing to exercise its newfound political rights and limited devolution style government.

Ulster in 1921

see Northern Ireland, history

Modern Ulster Unionism

Modern day Ulster Unionism has reached a consensus, favouring dialogue and peace with Republicans. Many of Northern Ireland's most famous Unionists, such as Ian Paisley have advocated and taken part in negotiations with Sinn Féin. Following the most recent Northern Ireland Assembly elections, the Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin agreed to go into government together, with Paisley as First Minister and Martin McGuinness - a former Provisional IRA bomber - as the Deputy First Minister. The Cabinet is a mixed Republican/Unionist one.

In the runup to the 2007 Assembly elections, both parties campaigned on issues such as water charges and business development, issues that could appeal to both sides of the community. Sectarianism and partisan politics, usually a frequent occurrence in a Northern Irish election were minimised and in some cases avoided. Since the Provisional IRA had decommissioned its weapons years earlier and Sinn Féin had recognised the PSNI, the Democratic Unionist Party reluctantly agreed to consider going into government with Sinn Féin, who won a considerably large minority in the election.

The early months of the government has seen frequent shows of unity between First Minister Paisley and Deputy First Minister McGuiness. Both men have appeared at many sites and places and are trying to rebuild Northern Ireland following generations of sectarian warfare. Significantly, following the murders of two British soldiers by the Real IRA and the murder of a PSNI member by the Continuity IRA in March 2009,[4][5] cooperation between Sinn Féin and the DUP was unaffected, especially following Sinn Féin's condemnation of the killings.

List of Unionist political and social organisations

References

  1. The Irish Volunteers, by contrast, were not allowed to drill legally and any weapons they imported, such as in the Howth gun running incident, were strictly illegal.
  2. Winston Churchill, Lord Randolph Churchill Page 65.
  3. Arthur, Paul; Government and Politics of Northern Ireland - Page 7
  4. RTE: CCTV examined after Antrim shootings. Available: http://www.rte.ie/news/2009/0309/antrim.html Accessed: 1st April, 2009
  5. Irish Times: PSNI arrests third man over policeman's killing. Available: http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/ireland/2009/0314/1224242849937.html Accessed: 1st April, 2009

Bibliography

  • Adamson, Ian. The Identity of Ulster, 2nd edition (Belfast, 1987)
  • Arthur, Paul. Government and Politics of Northern Ireland
  • Bardon, Jonathan. A History of Ulster (Belfast, 1992)
  • Bew, Paul, Peter Gibbon and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921-1994: Political Forces and Social Classes (1995)
  • Bew, Paul. Ideology and the Irish Question: Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism 1912-1916
  • Brady, Claran, Mary O'Dowd and Brian Walker, eds. Ulster: An Illustrated History (1989)
  • Boyce, D. George. "Carson, Edward Henry, Baron Carson (1854–1935)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography 2004. online
  • Boyce, D. George. "Craig, James, first Viscount Craigavon (1871–1940)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography,2004; online edn,
  • Elliott, Marianne. The Catholics of Ulster: A History. Basic Books. 2001. online edition
  • Farrell, Michael. Northern Ireland: The Orange State, 2nd edition (London, 1980)
  • Henessy, Thomas. A History of Northern Ireland, 1920-1996. St. Martin's, 1998. 365 pp.
  • Mitchel, Patrick; Evangelicalism and National Identity in Ulster, 1921-1998
  • Hostettler, John; Sir Edward Carson: A Dream Too Far

External links